By -Apoorva Lakshmi Kaipa
Abstract
This article looks into the history of practices labelled as witchcraft or attributed to supernatural forces that we understand scientifically today. Centred on the Salem witch trials and witch hunts in Europe, the article details how epilepsy, mental illness, and possibly ergot poisoning were wrongly interpreted as diabolical possession or witchcraft. Punishments on the accused were disproportionate, and the article traces the history of belief from medieval superstition to modern scepticism.
Introduction
The Salem village witnessed one of history’s most infamous witch hunts in 1692. Over 150 people were accused of witchcraft, and twenty people were executed in a moral panic that consumed colonial Massachusetts. Linnda Caporael’s 1976 hypothesis suggested that the afflicted villagers may have suffered from convulsive ergotism. Though this theory has been cited in arguments and criticised in scholarly papers, it embodies a larger historical process where what were thought to be supernatural phenomena undergo a rational scientific explanation. Between the years 1400 and 1750, witchcraft trials totalled around 100,000, with about 50,000 of the accused being sentenced to death. These trials cannot be attributed to isolated cases of “mass hysteria.” They were part of organised persecution, rationalised through a combination of legal and religious means, with the Malleus Maleficarum’s (1487) witch-hunting provisions being the most influential text after the Bible. This article focuses on the fields of ergot poisoning, epilepsy and mental illness. These fields help illustrate the historical failures to properly understand the natural phenomena and the resultant violence, as well as the replacement of scientific ignorance with superstition.
The Ergot Hypothesis
The Salem witch trials exemplify how cultural context shaped perceptions of illness and evil. In 1976, Linnda Caporael proposed that ergotism is a physiological reaction to a rye fungus producing hallucinations and convulsions that could explain the “bewitched” behaviour of the Salem accusers. Symptoms such as crawling sensations, seizures and vivid visions aligned with those described in trial records. However, this theory was challenged by Nicholas Spanos and Jack Gottlieb (1976), who found that convulsive ergotism typically affects children under fifteen, yet most afflicted in Salem were older. Moreover, there were no reports of hallmark ergot symptoms like vomiting or gangrene in the 117 depositions. The “fits” these girls had almost as if they were in response to social cues, like when they were accused, entered the courtroom or when gesturing towards them. This performative element suggests that these were culturally learned behaviours rather than toxicological causes. Regardless of what the cause may be, the human toll is devastating. Nineteen people were hanged, and one, Giles Corey, was pressed to death. The trials reveal how communal fear, gendered suspicion and religious certainty combined to criminalise activities that seemed unusual. Scientific reinterpretation of Salem reframes the tragedy as a case study in collective misattribution and how ignorance of biology can be weaponised by social anxiety.
Epilepsy and Demonic Possessions
Epilepsy, for centuries, has lain in the intersection of religion and medieval medicine. Europe interpreted seizures as a sign of demonic possession, with Malleus Maleficarum prescribing exorcism and confession as treatment. A study by Epsi Forcen found that hagiographic literature frequently describes saints performing miraculous healings on epileptics, which were basically episodes that, when seen in retrospect, reveal misdiagnosed neurological disorders. The church’s dominance over health narratives meant that physiological conditions became moral questions. This dominance was present because medieval Europe lacked medical institutions, which meant that religious authorities filled the gap by spreading spiritual and medical explanations for illnesses, with none. People with seizures were stigmatised and subjected to exorcism rituals. As Hesdorffer notes, the belief in possession as the cause of epilepsy persisted well into the modern era, delaying the medical recognition of epilepsy as a neurological disorder until the 19th century. The gradual medicalisation of epilepsy marks a significant epistemic shift. By identifying abnormal brain activity as its source, scientists transformed a ‘spiritual affliction’ into a treatable medical condition. Yet, remnants of supernatural thinking remain of possession, which shows that cultural beliefs can outlast scientific discovery.
Mental Illness and Witchcraft
The conflation of mental illness with witchcraft reflects how societies criminalised behavioural differences. Thomas Schoeneman’s analysis revealed that many accused witches displayed symptoms consistent with psychiatric disorders like hallucinations, paranoia, or dissociative states. For example, several who were accused of being witches during the 1620 Loudun possessions in France, displayed symptoms which are now associated with psychosis and mass dissociative episodes. Back then, these behaviours were only seen as demonic work, which led to the execution of priest Urbain Grandier. This was interpreted as evidence of demonic contact. Spanos similarly argued that behaviours now recognised as mental illnesses were once socially reframed through religious cosmology. This misinterpretation had lethal consequences, with individuals experiencing psychosis or severe depression being subjected to public trials, torture, and execution. Michael Howie observed that numerous individuals facing death sentences in Salem had symptoms that resemble schizophrenia or bipolar disorder in today’s diagnostic systems.
The printing press’s ability to disseminate information was integral. Each time The Malleus Maleficarum was reprinted in large numbers after 1487, there were witch hunts and persecutions that escalated. It also standardised witch hunts in different European towns, which allowed persecution to spread through a system of networked clergies and judges. The manual transformed local fears into bureaucratic systems of violence. It also codified gender biases, as most of the accused were women. Science, theology, and power were intertwined to police deviance.
The Machinery of Persecution
The legal codification of witchcraft as a crime institutionalised cruelty. Under the Constitutio Criminalis Carolina, witchcraft was classified as an exceptional crime and justified the use of torture to extract confessions. Leeson and Russ document how, in Switzerland, accused witches were suspended by bound arms, seared with tongs, and starved into confession. Witch executions became the theatrical affirmations of religious authority. A Swiss priest described women crying “Jesus!” from the flames as crowds chanted the same, believing they were witnessing purification through suffering. The scale of which varied by region, Germany accounted for nearly 40% of all prosecutions, with Switzerland accounting for another 22%, while Southern Europe saw few. These differences reflected not differing rates of witchcraft, but degrees of religious competition between the Protestant and Catholic powers. Thus, witch trials were less about torturing the evil than they were about asserting moral jurisdiction. Law and theology again merged to regulate beliefs using torture and execution as a tool of social cohesion.
From Superstition to Science
The Enlightenment initiated the collapse of supernatural certainty. Empiricism and the scientific method undermined the theological explanations for misfortunes by demanding evidence for claims about Nature. By the 18th century, witch trials had largely ceased, and scholars viewed them as remnants of barbaric superstition. Yet belief in the occult remains. Gallup found 73% of Americans hold at least one belief in the paranormal, and a Chapman University survey showed that over half of Americans believe in haunted places. Boris and Roos estimated globally about 40% of people believe in witchcraft, and that belief correlates with violence against the accused.
There is immense evidence of unsociable witchcraft and large-scale witch hunts. Contemporary research shows that belief in witchcraft is not bound to the uneducated. It is prevalent among educated and urban populations, making it a universal sociological phenomenon. Doten-Snitker and colleagues note that witchcraft beliefs are often codified within social networks and reinforced through collective narratives, which make them resilient even in modern societies. Thus, while science has redefined the causes of misfortune, the itch to find supernatural meanings persists.
Conclusion
The development of science from witchcraft is both moral and intellectual. Practices like treating epilepsy medicine, compared to the previous ‘demonic possession’, are indicative of progress. Primarily, compassion and reason lead to the understanding of a situation. There is a remnant of the magical; however, supernatural thinking shows that reason is yet to be fully devoid of the magical. History demonstrates the degree to which cruelty is accepted and advanced ignorance is beguiled in society. The witch trials, the persecution of the mentally ill, and misreading disease remind us that the greatest humility of science is that it must yield to evidence. Where knowledge is lacking, empathy must guide judgment.
About the author
Apoorva is a second-year student at JGLS majoring in business administration and law. She is an avid reader and artist, actively trying to incorporate creative fields into her everyday work.
NICKELED AND DIMED 