By Sampada Aggarwal

Abstract

Chinese broadcasters were ordered on September 2nd, 2021, to “resolutely put an end to sissy men and other abnormal esthetics”. Based on this incident, the article will explore the connection between gender, constructed masculinity and femininity, and nationalism in Asia.

On 2nd September 2021, the Chinese government banned the portrayal of “effeminate” men on TV, saying that broadcasters must “resolutely put an end to sissy men and other abnormal esthetics“, which marked a significant moment warranting an in-depth exploration of the intricate interplay between gender, the construction of masculinity and femininity, and nationalism across Asia.  Prompted by this incident, the following article will attempt to explore the link between the aforementioned areas.  As a result of the ban, during the following week, broadcasters were instructed to promote “revolutionary culture,” enforcing official morality and tightening control over business. Additionally,  programs were told to “vigorously promote excellent Chinese traditional culture, revolutionary culture, and advanced socialist culture” instead, with President Xi Jinping calling for a “national rejuvenation“. This enforcement of specific nationalist masculinity has also been recognized as a response to growing concerns about falling birth rates, which could potentially have adverse effects on socioeconomic development in the country.  In an attempt to redirect what is perceived as unhealthy attention from celebrities, the party took measures to restrict children’s access to online games. Using an insulting term to describe effeminate men – Niang pao – the TV regulator said that broadcasters must “resolutely end sissy men and other abnormal esthetics.” This incident reflects official worry that Chinese pop stars are failing to inspire China’s young men to be sufficiently masculine because they are inspired by the sleek, girly appearance of some South Korean and Japanese singers and actors.

According to McClintock, nations are essentially “historical and institutional practices through which social difference is invented and performed”, and nationalism becomes “radically constitutive of people’s identities through social contests that are frequently violent and always gendered.” Indeed, looking at historical records of posters and other devices of military propaganda during times of war, military nationalism has often relied on doubting the masculinity of individual men unless they serve as soldiers to reinforce it. Conversely, women are primarily acknowledged through their association with “men” in the nation.  Comparably, as seen in certain South Asian households, a woman’s power is often directly derived from and limited to her relationship with the “man” of the house.

Further, women are also often commodified in situations involving war and nationalist sentiment. Tragically, during events like the India-Pakistan partition, women’s bodies became pawns in men’s competitive power plays, resulting in horrifying atrocities. This is evident in how over seventy-five thousand women were raped and abandoned. Indeed, at the time of partition, women’s bodies served as an arena for the “competitive games of men”, where “Hindu, Sikh, and Muslim men sought to humiliate and annihilate the “other” while imprinting their identity onto the bearer of future generations“.  Analogous to this, women are also commodified in the “status distinctions between wife-takers and wife-givers” in certain South Asian societies. This objectification extends to marriage dynamics in certain South Asian societies, emphasizing how deeply ingrained gender and nationalist dynamics are in societal structures.

The intertwining of masculinity, femininity, and nationalist sentiment is a complex and often troubling phenomenon. The idea that masculinity is somehow beneficial to a nation and that femininity and female sexuality are inherently antithetical to nationalist sentiment also strongly links nationalism to gender. For instance, this can be seen in the demonization of Aung San Suu Kyi by Myanmar’s Tatmadaw. According to the narrative constructed by the junta, “like all women, she uses female guile and manipulation to achieve her divisive goals, including leadership of the National League for Democracy.” They portrayed her as a cunning woman manipulating her way to leadership, tapping into age-old gender biases and misconceptions. It is also worth questioning whether a similar link is present in the demonization of Muslim men in India, who are often characterized as either inherently effeminate or hypermasculine, contributing to the perpetuation of divisive narratives.  Indeed, in the first half of the twentieth century, “gender became an important means of contributing to sharper divisions between Hindus and Muslims” in India. In post-colonial India, the construction and propagation of the masculine “Hindutva” man can also be interpreted as being a response to the emasculation of the colonized Indian by supposedly “masculine” colonists, as well as a response to the perceived threat of Muslim men, who were considered more virile, violent, and dangerous.  Anxious masculinity therefore “lies at the heart of Hindu right-wing nationalism”, which perhaps also serves as a basis for anti-Muslim sentiment. The violence against Muslims in Gujarat in 2002 can be considered a consequence of this sentiment, with masculine anxiety noticeable in how bangles and saris were distributed to Hindu men who did not participate in the violence as a mockery of their “femininity“. 

With the study of gender and masculinity within the framework of nationalism,  it is essential to acknowledge the role that “compulsory active heterosexuality and fatherhood” play in the construction and maintenance of South Asian masculinity.  This prompts an essential question, “How often are gender norms policed precisely in the service of shoring up heterosexual hegemony?”. Definitively, “a normalized and natural compulsory heterosexuality is what we find to be crucial to successful gendering processes”. Taking this into consideration, “homosexuality can be viewed as threatening or antithetical to nationalist sentiment” because it challenges the hegemonic heterosexual family unit, which is directly linked to “reproduction and the future of the nation”. Furthermore, compulsory cisgender-heterosexuality has long been upheld as a source of national pride, while queerness has been marked as “foreign”. This perspective is starkly evident in how “non-dominant sexual practices” like homosexuality, despite evidence of a rich history of tolerance and acceptance within Hinduism, which are now often erroneously associated with Western or Muslim influences, display a deviation from traditional Hindu beliefs and practices, despite the rich history of Hinduism exhibiting tolerance and even celebration of gender and sexual fluidity. The complex relationships between gender, sexuality, nationalism, and societal beliefs in the setting of South Asia are highlighted by the varied character of these associations.

Revisiting the discourse on masculinity within Chinese media, it becomes evident that gendered attributes play a pivotal role in shaping and promoting nationalist narratives through these mediums. The notion of woman-as-nation has been used in Chinese films to portray China as a victim of foreign invasion through “the image of the female body as occupiable land“. This echoes a notion analogous to the commodification of female bodies during times of war, as discussed previously. In contrast, as seen in Wolf Warrior II, “hypermasculinity” and the idea of ‘man-as-nation’ are dominant, signifying “rejuvenation and strength”. The deliberate association of gendered attributes with nations serves to insinuate their relative power and resilience on the global stage. In Wolf Warrior II, for instance, this association is palpable as the film “constructs Africa as feminized, infantilized, racially subjugated, and in need of a muscular, clever Chinese hero.”  This portrayal reinforces colonialist stereotypes, casting the Chinese protagonist as the saviour, a narrative that might be a response to China’s historical defeats and struggles during the twentieth century. This masculinization of national protagonists mirrors similar responses, like the response to colonialism in India following the period of colonial rule, where the redefinition of masculinity was also a response to their colonial past. These gendered representations in media significantly influence perceptions of national identity, power dynamics, and geopolitical positioning, underscoring the complexity of gender’s role in constructing national narratives within Asian societies.

In conclusion, it can be said that gender dynamics and nationalist sentiments in Asian societies are intricate and deeply ingrained. These are shaped by a historical backdrop dominated by factors like colonialism and war among nations. Colonialism altered power dynamics and gender roles, which left a lasting impact on the way gender is perceived within a national context. The aftermath of war among nations contributed to the reinforcement of traditional gender norms and hierarchies, which in turn has deeply impacted the perception of power and masculinity within nationalist narratives. Compulsory heterosexuality acts as a force that moulds gender identities and behaviours, which further entwines gender and nationalism. Additionally, these dynamics seem to significantly affect relationships between families, societies, and various religious communities, as well as draw from them, as was explored in the context of gendered relations at both familial and national levels. Therefore, when considering the social construct of nationalism, it is essential to acknowledge the role that other social constructs, such as those mentioned above, play in upholding it.

Author’s Bio

Sampada Aggarwal is a second-year student at JSGP, majoring in economics. Aggarwal is passionate about working towards advocating for LGBTQ+ rights and helping break the stigma around mental health and disability through her work.

Image Source: Mark Schiefelbein/AP